Bawa.
"Love Letter 036"
(Page 03 of 05)
Go To Page 04
Go To Page 05 - In process
Go To Page 02
Go To Page 01
From: Shaikh Muhammad Rahim Bawa Muhaiyaddeen (Ral.)
To: My Dearest Loving Older Brother,
President Jimmy Carter.
Written On: November, 2013.
Also See "Love Letter 034",
And "Love Letter 035".
Go To “The Introduction”
Go To “Barclay's Address”
To King Charles II of England.
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1. For "Love Letter 036" - For Page 03
Go To "The Detailed Plan"
Go To "The Outline" of "The Detailed Plan"
Go To "The Picture" of “American Progress” (Manifest Destiny)
Go To "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense”
Go To "Summary F"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description - 03"
------
2. For "Love Letter 036" - For Page 02
Go To "The Picture" The “Founding of Pennsylvania”
Go To "Summary D"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description - 01"
Go To "Summary E"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description - 02"
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Go To “The ACTE Graph” of “Career Clusters”
Go To “A Video Talk" By Salman Khan
of “The Khan Academy”
Go To "INCOSE Graph" of "Certification Program"
Go To "Summary A"
Go To "Summary B"
Go To "Summary C"
------
4. For "Love Letter 035" (Version "J")
Go To "The Outline" of “Love Letter 035”
Go To "A Little Bit" About "Bawa".
Go To "Closing Comments" of “Love Letter 35”
Go To "Guest Book"
Title:
More About
Starting Up
“A New Company Together”
That Focuses On
“Affordable Housing”
In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA.
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“The Introduction”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Bawa. Bismillahir-Rahmanir-Rahim. In The Name of God, Most Merciful, Most Compassionate. Amen.
Bawa. Al-salam 'alaykum wa-rahmat Allah wa-barakatuhu kulluhu. Wa 'alaykum al-salam wa-rahmat Allah wa-barakatuhu kulluhu. May All The Peace, The Beneficence, And The Blessing of God Be Upon You, Your Family, And Your Friends.
Bawa. My Love You, My Dearest Loving Older Brother of “The One True Heart” of God, President Jimmy Carter, and that is for sure.
Bawa. Thank You Again For “Your Faith and Trust In God” That You Have Demonstrated During “Your Public Life“ In The World, It Has Always Been An Inspiration For Those of Us Living In The World Who Are Trying To Also “Make A Difference” In The World Through “Our Faith and Trust In God”, and that's for sure
Bawa. As Noted In Our Last Sixteen Letters To You, All Now Contained In “Love Letter 35” (Version “J”), And Now Also In “Love Letter 036”, Page 01, And In “Love Letter 036”, Page 02 We Have Been A Tiny Student of His Holiness, M. R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen (Ral.) For 38 Years, Who Came To America In 1971 And Who Lived With Us And Taught Us About “The True Nature” of God Within Us, Which In Truth Is “Oneness” With Us, And If We Like, Which Is Our “Oneness” With Him, And With Each Other, Until December 8th, 1986, When His Holiness Physically Left The World, Having Established During That Time “The Bawa Muhaiyaddeen Fellowship” In America With Its Main Branch At 5820 Overbrook Avenue, In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, and that is for sure.
Bawa. Since The Physical Passing of His Holiness From Our Presence His Children Have Loving Established Both “The Bawa Muhaiyaddeen Fellowship Web Site” (www.bmf.org) As Well As “A Holy Shrine” Near Coatesville, Pennsylvania, About An Hours Ride From Philadelphia, Where His Holiness Is Buried, Along With Now Many of His Children, and that is for sure.
Bawa. We Are Writing You This Seventeenth Letter, Which You Can Also Access "On-line" As Now “Love Letter 036”, Page 03 (This Page), Again Sending It To “The Carter Center”, To Ask For Your Help In Starting Up “A New Company Together” That Focuses On “Affordable Housing” In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Specifically To Ask For Your Help, My President, In Implementing “Our Brief Plan” (Part A), Using “Our Brief Strategy” (Part B), And Specifically Using “The Detailed Strategy” (Part C) And (Part D) of “Our Proposal” To You, All Outlined Now For You In “Love Letter 035”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That is, First Outlined For You In “Love Letter 035” Using “The First
Detailed Strategy” (Part C) That “We” Have Formulated To Implement “Our Plan”, That Is, By Better Utilizing All of “The Existing Resources”, For Example, LIke Better Using Both “Senior Citizens”, And “High School Students”, As Well As Better Using People Now Working In “The Trades” And “Their Trade Unions”, And “College/Graduate Students”, And Those Currently Working In “The Professions” And “Their Professional Societies”, And In “The City of Philadelphia”, And “Their City Employee Unions”, And In “The State of Pennsylvania”, And “Their State Employee Unions”, And In “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”.
Bawa. And Second Outlined For You In “Love Letter 035” Using “The Second
Detailed Strategy” (Part D, 1 & 2) That “We” Have Also Formulated To
Implement “Our Plan”, This Time By Better Utilizing “The Existing New
Technology” of “Our Age” (D-1), And By Solving “The Smokestack Problem”
(D-2) of “Our Age”, In Order To Interconnect All of “These Existing Resources” To Provide “A Simple Solution” To All of “The Apparent” But “Truly False Problems” Now Facing “Our Plan” of Providing “Affordable Housing” In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, and that is for sure.
Bawa. Also In “Love Letter 035” We Have Shared With You, My President,
“A Little Bit” About “The Life and Teaching” And “The Heart”, of His Holiness, M. R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen (Ral.), Who We Truly Believe Makes It Now Possible For All of Us Living In America To “Make The Switch” From “The Current State” of “Our Lives”, And From “The Current State” of “Our Country, Our Towns, Our Cities, And Our States”, To A “Much Better State” For “Our Lives”, And For “Our Country, Our Towns, Our Cities, And Our States”,
Especially One That Is More Friendly To “The Higher Nature” of “Our Lives” Which In Truth Is “The Goodness” of God Truly Inherent In All of “Our Lives”, If we like, and that is for sure.
Note 01: Click On The Following Link, Calld "A Little Bit" About Bawa", For More About "Bawa", and that is for sure.
Bawa. And Now, Mr. President, In Our Current Letter To You, That Is, In “Love Letter 036”, Page 01, Page 02, And Now Page 03, Which You Can Also Access On-line By Clicking On The Following Links, “Love Letter 036”,
Page 01, And Page 02, And Now Page 03 (This Page) We Will Continue To Outline For You “The Detailed Plan”, And "The Outline" of "The Detailed Plan", Which Follows Below, For “The City of Philadelphia” And “Their City Employee Unions”, For “The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania”, And “Their State
Employee Unions”, And Now For “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, We Will Continue To Outline For You “The Detailed Plan”, For “The City of Philadelphia” And “Their City Employee Unions”, For “The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania”, And “Their State Employee Unions”, And Now For “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”, That We Have Formulated To Implement “Our Proposal” To You, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Using “The Brief Plan” (Part A), And “The Brief Strategy” (Part B), And Using “The Detailed Strategy” (Part C), And (Part D), As “A Starting Point” Only, As Outlined In “Love Letter 035”, That Is, To Start Up “A New
Company Together” That Focuses On “Affordable Housing” In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, And Using Our “Detailed Plan” For “The City of Philadelphia” And “Their City Employee Unions”, For “The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania”,
And “Their State Employee Unions”, And Now For “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”, and that's for sure
Bawa. All of Which You Can Also Access Directly, In Summary Form, By Going To "The Outline" of "The Detailed Plan”, As Well As By Going To "Summary A", And To "Summary B", And To "Summary C", And to “Summary D”, And To "Summary E", And Now To "Summary F", And By Going To "Problem/Solution Description" - 01, And To “Problem/Solution Description - 02", And Now To “Problem/Solution Description - 03", if you like, and that is for sure.
Bawa. Any Guidance That You Could Provide, My President, Concerning The Best Way To Set Up Such A Company, Fund It, And Make It Both “Humanly Successful” As Well As “Financially Successful” Would Be Greatly Appreciated, and that is for sure.
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Barclay's Address
To King Charles II of England,
And Now
Shaikh Muhaiyaddeen’s (Ral.) Address
To “The Current President”,
And To All of “The Living Past Presidents”
of “The United States of America”,
For In Truth It Is Truly Time
For “A New American Revolution”,
But This Time
A Revolution of “Spirit”.
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Note 2 "Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity: thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation. Against which snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins."
From “The End” of Thomas Paine's Publication of “Common Sense” (Summary), Plus An “Audio Recording” And Copy of “The Full Document”.
---------
“The Detailed Plan”
That We Have Formulated
To Implement “Our Proposal” To You,
Using “The Brief Plan” (Part A),
And “The Brief Strategy” (Part B),
As “A Starting Point” Only,
As Outlined In “Love Letter 035”,
To Start Up
“A New Company Together”
That Focuses On
“Affordable Housing”
In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA,
and that is for sure.
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
----------
“The Outline”
of “The Detailed Plan”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "B" - Build "An On-line Systems Model"
Go To "C" - Build "An On-line Project (PERT) Chart"
--- Page 01 ---
(Previous Page)
Go To "Page 01" of "This Document"
Go To Page 02 of "This Outline"
For Example,
1. For “Senior Citizens”.
2. For “High School Students”.
Go To “The ACTE Graph” of “Career Clusters”
Go To "Summary A"
Go To “A Video Talk" By Salman Khan of “The Khan Academy”
Go To "Summary B"
5. For "The Professions" And"Their Professional Societies"
Go To "INCOSE Graph" of "Certification Program"
Go To "Summary C"
--- Page 02 ---
(Last Page)
Go To "Page 02" of "This Document"
Go To Page 01 of "This Outline"
Go To "Top of Page"
Unions”.
Go To "Summary D"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description" - 01
Unions”.
Go To "The Picture" The "Founding of Pennsylvania"
Go To "Summary E"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description" - 02
--- Page 03 ---
(This Page)
“Their Federal Employee Unions”.
Go To “Barclay's Address” To King Charles II of England.
Go To "The Picture" of “American Progress” (Manifest Destiny)
Go To "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense” (Summary)
Go To "Excerpts" of "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense”
Go To "Summary F"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description - 03"
--- In Process ---
B. Build "An On-line Systems Model"
C. Build "An On-line Project (PERT) Chart"
----------
A. Bawa. So, Mr. President, Here Is “The Information” That We Have Put Together For "Us" About "An On-line Knowledge Base" To Support "Our New Company".
A.
Build "An On-line Knowledge Base".
Page 01 (Previous Page)
Go To "Page 01" of Document
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
And"Their Professional Societies",
Page 02 (Last Page)
Go To "Page 02" of Document
And “Their City Employees Unions"
And “Their State Employee Unions"
Page 03 (This Page)
And “Their Federal Employee Unions”.
---------
Bawa. So, My President, The First Thing That We Need For “Our New Company” Is To Answer “The Classic” Newspaper Report’s 5 Questions, When Investigating A Potential Story For His Newspaper, That Is,
“What, Where, When, How, And Why”?
Bawa. That Is, “What” Happened, “Where” Did It Happen, “When” Did It Happen, “How” Did It Happen, And Always, If Possible, “Why” Did It Happen, and that is for sure.
Bawa. And For “Our What” We Need To Deeply Investigate, Document, And
Put Into A User Friendly “On-line Format” All of The Information We Can Collect About “Affordable Housing” As It Is Currently Played Out In “Our Where”, Which In Our Case Is “The City of Philadelphia”, And “Their City Employee Unions”, And In “The State of Pennsylvania”, And “Their State Employee Unions”, And In “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. For Example, This Would Include The Following Type of Information About “Affordable Housing”, Some of Which We Have Already Started To Collect, As Part of “Love Letter 35”, In "Part C" of "Our First Detailed Strategy", To You, And As Part of "Love Letter 036", Page 01, of “Our Detailed Plan”, And As Part of "Love Letter 036", Page 02, of “Our Detailed Plan”, And Now As Part of "Love Letter 036", Page 03 (This Page), of “Our Detailed Plan” To You, and that is for sure.
----------
Click HERE
For Info On Items “1 - 5”
In "Love Letter 036", Page 01,
And HERE
For Info On Items “6 & 7”,
In “Love Letter 036”, Page 02,
Both From “Our Detailed Plan”,
Go To "The Outline"
---------
8. For “The Federal Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions”.
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To “Barclay's Address” To King Charles II of England
Go To “The Doctrine” of “Manifest Destiny”
Go To "The Picture" of “American Progress” (Manifest Destiny)
Go To “The Organization” of “The Early Colonies”
Go To “Republicanism” As "A Political Values System"
Go To "The Cause" of "The Revolution"
Go To "American Exceptionalism"
Go To "Tyranny of the Majority"
Go To "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense” (Summary)
Go To "Excerpt 01" - Introduction
Go To "Excerpt 02" - Of the Origin and Design of Government
Go To "Excerpt 03" - Thoughts of the Present State of American Affairs
Go To "Excerpt 04" - Appendix
Go To "Excerpt 05" - Epistle to Quakers
Go To "Summary F"
Go To "Problem/Solution Description - 03"
8-a. Now Lets Look At “The Make Up” of “The Federal
Government” of “Washington, DC”, And “Their Federal Employee Unions” of “The United States of America”, How They Are Currently Educated/Trained/Used/Employed, And By Whom, And Their Satisfaction/Displeasure, And “Their Availability” And “Their Interest” In Participating In “Our New Company”, And Their Suggestions For “Moving Forward” Our Grand Enterprise, and that is for sure.
8-b. For Example, The Following Excerpts From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, On America, That Is, On “The United States of America”, Demonstrates “The Original Global” And Humanitarian Scope of America (Including, if you like, Our Focus On “Affordable Housing”), and that is for sure.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
8-b-1. “The Doctrine” of “Manifest Destiny”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To “Barclay's Address” To King Charles II of England
Go To "The Picture" of “American Progress” (Manifest Destiny)
Go To “The Organization” of “The Early Colonies”
"The Doctrine of “Manifest Destiny” - Driven by the doctrine of manifest destiny, the United States embarked on a vigorous expansion across North America throughout the 19th century.[16]
Driven by the doctrine of manifest destiny, the United States embarked on a vigorous expansion across North America throughout the 19th century.[16] This involved displacing native tribes, acquiring new territories, and gradually admitting new states.[16] The American Civil War ended legalized slavery in the United States.[17] By the end of the 19th century, the United States extended into the Pacific Ocean,[18] and its economy was the world's largest.[19] The Spanish–American War and World War I confirmed the country's status as a global military power. The United States emerged from World War II as a global superpower, the first country with nuclear weapons, and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. The end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union left the United States as the sole superpower.
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"The Picture"
of “American Progress”
(Manifest Destiny)
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
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8-b-2. “The Organization” of “The Early Colonies”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To “The Doctrine” of “Manifest Destiny”
Go To “Republicanism” As "A Political Values System"
2-a. “Communal Needs” Verses “Personal Property”
“Early Communal Operations Replaced By “Personal Property” Operations” - Both colonies suffered initial hardships and great loss of life, but eventually stabilized and became the first successful English settlements in America. Both also saw efficiency greatly improve when personal property replaced the early communal operations.[65],
2-b. “Representative Self-government” And “Constitutionalism”
“Representative Self-government And constitutionalism” - And “the pattern of representative self-government and constitutionalism” that would develop throughout the American colonies”
“James I on April 10, 1606 chartered The Virginia Company with the purpose of establishing English settlements on the eastern coast of North America. The Virginia Colony was planted in 1607 with Jamestown and the Pilgrims' Plymouth Colony in 1620. Both colonies suffered initial hardships and great loss of life, but eventually stabilized and became the first successful English settlements in America. Both also saw efficiency greatly improve when personal property replaced the early communal operations.[65] The continent’s first elected legislative assembly, Virginia's House of Burgesses created in 1619, and the Mayflower Compact, signed by the Pilgrims before disembarking, established precedents for the pattern of representative self-government and constitutionalism that would develop throughout the American colonies.[66][67] Tens of thousands of Puritans later settled New England.”
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8-b-3. “Republicanism” is a political values system:
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To “The Organization” of “The Early Colonies”
Go To "The Cause" of "The Revolution"
Go To "American Exceptionalism"
3-a. Definition
Republicanism is a political values system that has been a major part of American civic thought since the American Revolution.[1] It stresses liberty and "unalienable" rights as central values, makes the people as a whole sovereign, rejects aristocracy and inherited political power, expects citizens to be independent in their performance of civic duties, and vilifies corruption.[2] American republicanism was founded and first practiced by the Founding Fathers in the 18th century. This system was based on Ancient Greco-Roman, Renaissance, and English models and ideas.[3] It formed the basis for the American Revolution and the consequential Declaration of Independence (1776) and the Constitution (1787), as well as the Gettysburg Address (1863).[4]
Republicanism may be distinguished from other forms of democracy as it asserts that people have unalienable rights that cannot be voted away by a majority of voters.[5] Alexis de Tocqueville warned about the "tyranny of the majority" in a democracy, and advocates of the rights of minorities have warned that the courts needed to protect those rights by reversing efforts by voters to terminate the rights of an unpopular minority.[6]
3-b. The Term "Republicanism"
The term "Republicanism" is derived from the term "republic", but the two words have different meanings. A "republic" is a form of government (one without a hereditary ruling class) while "republicanism" is a political ideology that can appear in republics or monarchies.[7]
Two major parties were explicitly named after the idea—the Republican party of Thomas Jefferson (founded in 1793, and often called the "Democratic-Republican Party" by political scientists), and the current Republican party (founded in 1854).[8]
3-c. Revolutionary Republicanism
Revolutionary Republicanism was centered on limiting corruption and greed. Virtue was of the utmost importance for citizens and representatives. Revolutionaries took a lesson from ancient Rome, they knew it was necessary to avoid the luxury that had destroyed the Empire.[15] A virtuous citizen was one that ignored monetary compensation and made a commitment to resist and eradicate corruption. The Republic was sacred; therefore, it is necessary to serve the state in a truly representative way, ignoring self-interest and individual will.
Republicanism required the service of those who were willing to give up their own interests for a common good. According to Bernard Bailyn "The preservation of liberty rested on the ability of the people to maintain effective checks on wielders of power and hence in the last analysis rested on the vigilance and moral stamina of the people...." Virtuous citizens needed to be strong defenders of liberty and challenge the corruption and greed in government. The duty of the virtuous citizen became a foundation for the American Revolution.[16]
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"The Cause" of “The Revolution”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To “Republicanism” As "A Political Values System"
Go To "Tyranny of the Majority"
3-d. “Republican Values” and “Property Rights”
The commitment of most Americans to republican values and to their property rights helped bring about the American Revolution. Britain was increasingly being seen as corrupt and hostile and that of a threat to the very idea of democracy; a threat to the established liberties that Americans enjoyed and to American property rights.[17] The greatest threat to liberty was thought by many to be corruption—not just in London but at home as well. The colonists associated it with luxury and, especially, inherited aristocracy, which they condemned. (A few Americans did gain English titles, but they moved to London.)
3-e. “Republican Values” and “Christians Values” And “Republican Virtue”
Historian Thomas Kidd (2010) argues that during the Revolution Christians linked their religion to republicanism. He states, "With the onset of the revolutionary crisis, a major conceptual shift convinced Americans across the theological spectrum that God was raising up America for some special purpose."[18] Kidd further argues that " new blend of Christian and republican ideology led religious traditionalists to embrace wholesale the concept of republican virtue."[19] As virtuous republicans, citizens had a growing moral obligation to eradicate the corruption they saw in the monarchy (Both Home and Abroad) .[20]
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8-b-4. American exceptionalism
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To “Republicanism” As "A Political Values System"
Go To "The Cause" of "The Revolution"
Go To "Tyranny of the Majority"
4-a. Definition
American exceptionalism is the theory that the United States is "qualitatively different" from other states.[2] In this view, U.S. exceptionalism stems from its emergence from a revolution, becoming what political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset called "the first new nation"[2] and developing a uniquely American ideology, "Americanism", based on liberty, egalitarianism, individualism, republicanism, populism and laissez-faire.[3] This ideology itself is often referred to as "American exceptionalism."[3]
Although the term does not necessarily imply superiority, many neoconservative and American conservative writers have promoted its use in that sense.[3][4] To them, the United States is like the biblical shining "City upon a Hill", and exempt from historical forces that have affected other countries.[5]
The theory of exceptionalism can be traced to Alexis de Tocqueville, the first writer to describe the United States as "exceptional" in 1831 and 1840.[6] The term "American exceptionalism" has been in use since at least the 1920s and saw more common use after Soviet leader Joseph Stalin chastised members of the Jay Lovestone-led faction of the American Communist Party for their heretical belief that America was independent of the Marxist laws of history "thanks to its natural resources, industrial capacity, and absence of rigid class distinctions". American Communists started using the English term "American exceptionalism" in factional fights. It then moved into general use among intellectuals.[7][8] In 1989 Scottish political scientist Richard Rose noted that most American historians endorse exceptionalism. He suggests that these historians reason as follows:
"America marches to a different drummer. Its uniqueness is explained by any or all of a variety of reasons: history, size, geography, political institutions, and culture. Explanations of the growth of government in Europe are not expected to fit American experience, and vice versa."[9]
However, postnationalist scholars have rejected American exceptionalism, arguing that the United States had not broken from European history, and accordingly, the United States has retained class inequities, race-based inequalities, imperialism and war. Furthermore, they see most nations as subscribing to some form of exceptionalism.[10]
4-b. American Revolution and Republicanism - the well-being of ordinary people
The ideas that created the American Revolution were derived from a tradition of republicanism that had been repudiated by the British mainstream. Historian Gordon Wood has argued,
"Our beliefs in liberty, equality, constitutionalism, and the well-being of ordinary people came out of the Revolutionary era."
So too did our idea that we Americans are a special people with a special destiny to lead the world toward liberty and democracy."[33] Wood notes that the term is "presently much-maligned", although it is vigorously supported by others such as Jon Butler.
4-c. Jefferson & Empire of Liberty
According to Tucker and Hendrickson (1992) Jefferson believed America "was the bearer of a new diplomacy, founded on the confidence of a free and virtuous people, that would secure ends based on the natural and universal rights of man, by means that escaped war and its corruptions". Jefferson sought a radical break from the traditional European emphasis on "reason of state" (which could justify any action) and the traditional priority of foreign policy and the needs of the ruling family over the needs of the people.[38]
Jefferson envisaged America becoming the world's great "empire of liberty"—that is, the model for democracy and republicanism. He identified his nation as a beacon to the world, for, he said on departing the presidency in 1809, America was:
Trusted with the destinies of this solitary republic of the world, the only monument of human rights, and the sole depository of the sacred fire of freedom and self-government, from hence it is to be lighted up in other regions of the earth, if other regions of the earth shall ever become susceptible of its benign influence.[39]
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8-b-5. Tyranny of the majority
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To "American Exceptionalism"
Go To "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense” (Summary)
A Minority Definition of “A Tyranny of the majority” is when a majority through legislation treats a minority differently due to race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin.
The phrase "tyranny of the majority" (or "tyranny of the masses"), used in discussing systems of democracy and majority rule, envisions a scenario in which decisions made by a majority place its interests so far above those of an individual or minority group as to constitute active oppression, comparable to that of tyrants and despots.[1] In many cases a disliked ethnic, religious or racial group is deliberately penalized by the majority element acting through the democratic process.[citation needed]
Supermajority rules, constitutional limits on the powers of a legislative body, and the introduction of a Bill of Rights have been used to counter the perceived problem.[2] A separation of powers has also been implemented to limit the force of the majority in a single legislative chamber.[2]
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8-b-6. Thomas Paine's Publication of “Common Sense” (Summary)
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To "Tyranny of the majority"
Go To "Excerpt 01" - Introduction
Go To "Excerpt 02" - Of the Origin and Design of Government
Go To "Excerpt 03" - Thoughts of the Present State of American Affairs
Go To "Excerpt 04" - Appendix
Go To "Excerpt 05" - Epistle to Quakers
Thomas Paine's (Biography) Publication of Common Sense (Summary) for the first time expressed the belief that America was not just an extension of Europe but a new land, a country of nearly unlimited potential and opportunity that had outgrown the British mother country.
These sentiments laid the intellectual foundations for the Revolutionary concept of American exceptionalism and were closely tied to republicanism, the belief that sovereignty belonged to the people, not to a hereditary ruling class (Or oligarchy) [35]
Religious freedom characterized the American Revolution in unique ways—at a time when major nations had state religions. Republicanism (led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison) created modern constitutional republicanism, with a limit on ecclesiastical powers. Historian Thomas Kidd (2010) argues,
"With the onset of the revolutionary crisis, a major conceptual shift convinced Americans across the theological spectrum that God was raising up America for some special purpose."[36]
Kidd further argues that "a new blend of Christian and republican ideology led religious traditionalists to embrace wholesale the concept of republican virtue".[37]
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8-b-6-a. Excerpts From Thomas Paine's Publication of “Common
Sense”, That Is, An “Audio Recording” And A Copy of “The Full Document”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To "Top of Section 8-b-6"
Go To "Excerpt 02" - Of the Origin and Design of Government
Excerpt 01: - Introduction
"Common Sense
"
Addressed to the Inhabitants of America
February 14, 1776.
(And Now Again,
Addressed to the Inhabitants of America
On November, 2013)
PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason.
As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own Right, to support the Parliament in what he calls Theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpations of either.
In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.
The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying of a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is
THE AUTHOR
P. S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independence: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the Doctrine itself, not the Man. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776.
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Excerpt 02 - From Thomas Paine's Publication of “Common
Sense", That Is, An“Audio Recording” And A Copy of “The Full Document”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To "Top of Section 8-b-6"
Go To "Excerpt 01" - Introduction
Go To "Excerpt 03" - Thoughts of the Present State of American Affairs
Of the origin and design
of government in general,
with concise remarks
on the English Constitution
SOME writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher.
Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.
In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the same.
Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out the common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die.
This necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessing of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out the necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.
Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will have a seat.
But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those have who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act were they present.
If the colony continues increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending its proper number; and that the elected might never form to themselves an interest separate from the electors, prudence will point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the elected might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the electors in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the strength of government, and the happiness of the governed.
Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with snow, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.
I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted.
When the world was over run with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.
Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies, some will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different medicine.
I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials.
First.The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.
Secondly.The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
Thirdly.The new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.
The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.
To say that the constitution of England is a union of three powers reciprocally checking each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.
To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things.
First.That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy.
Secondly.That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more worthy of confidence than the crown.
But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!
There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.
Some writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king, say they, is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of the king; the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of an house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. How came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trust, and always obliged to check? Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, which needs checking, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to exist.
But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time.
That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution needs not be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of places and pensions is self-evident; wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.
The prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king, lords and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the will of the king is as much the law of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the first, hath only made kings more subtle not more just.
Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms, the plain truth is, that it is wholly owing to the constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.
An inquiry into the constitutional errors in the English form of government is at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from discerning a good one.
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Excerpt 03 - From Thomas Paine's Publication of “Common
Sense", That Is, An“Audio Recording” And A Copy of “The Full Document”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Top of Section 8"
Go To "Top of Section 8-b-6"
Go To "Excerpt 02" - Of the Origin and Design of Government
Go To "Excerpt 04" - Appendix
Thoughts
of the present state
of American Affairs
IN the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the true character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.
Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.
It hath been reported of the late Mr Pelham (who tho' an able minister was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind, replied, "they will last my time." Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.
The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. 'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of continental union, faith and honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; The wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i. e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, though proper then, are superceded and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the same point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the only difference between the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.
As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependant on Great-Britain. To examine that connexion and dependance, on the principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is necessary towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.
But she has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great-Britain, without considering, that her motive was interest not attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn us against connexions.
It hath lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other but through the parent country, i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as Americans, but as our being the subjects of Great-Britain.
But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.
In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European Christian, and triumph in the generosity of the sentiment.
It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born in any town in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow parishioners (because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name of neighbour; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a street, and salutes him by the name of townsman; if he travel out of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him countryman; i. e. county-man; but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France or any other part of Europe, their local remembrance would be enlarged into that of Englishmen.
And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are countrymen; for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.
But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amount to? Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are descendants from the same country; wherefore, by the same method of reasoning, England ought to be governed by France.
Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa, or Europe.
Besides, what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to have America a free port. Her trade will always be a protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.
I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will.
But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependance on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale on British politics.
Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, because of her connection with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. The Reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.
The authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present constitution" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that this government is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.
Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who cannot see; prejudiced men, who will not see; and a certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three.
It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies.
Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "Come, come, we shall be friends again, for all this." But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword into your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honour, will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first.
But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant.
This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by delay and timidity. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.
It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all examples from former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any external power. The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a year's security.
Reconciliation is now a falacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep."
Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning and noting hath contributed more than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.
To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the Stamp Act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power, so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness. There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.
Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems: England to Europe, America to itself.
I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of separation and independence; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of that is mere patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, that it is leaving the sword to our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth.
As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to.
The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expense. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently balanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land.
As I have always considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 17751, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE, can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.
But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.
First. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath shewn himself such aovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "You shall make no laws but what I please." And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as not to know, that according n inveterate enemy to liberty, and discto what is called the present constitution, that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives it leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit his purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, as by submitting to laws made for us in England.
After matters are made up (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. We are already greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says No to this question is an independant, for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or, whether the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us, "there shall be no laws but such as I like."
But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make no laws without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law. But in this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, make quite another case. The king's negative here is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can be in England, for there he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed.
America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England consults the good of this country, no farther than it answers her own purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we should soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering what has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, that it would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the provinces; in order that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILITY, IN THE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.
Secondly. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their effects, and quit the continent.
But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independance, i. e. a continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.
Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably suffer the same fate.) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered. All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult break out the very day after reconciliation?
I have heard some men say, many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as a man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby.
The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, that such as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority over another.
Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at home; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake.
If there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out. Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter.
Let the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.
Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority. He that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt.
But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent that it should come from some intermediate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress and the people, let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following manner, and for the following purpose.
A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony. Two members for each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each province, for, and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of business, knowledge and power. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the people, will have a truly legal authority.
The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a CONTINENTAL CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Carta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen.
Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments Dragonetti. "The science" says he "of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least national expense."
"Dragonetti on virtue and rewards."
But where says some is the King of America? I'll tell you Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve as monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law ought to be King; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.
A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now, some Massanello2 may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and discontented, and by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge.
Should the government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and in such a case, what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them.
To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over than ever?
Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be extirpated from the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her. Europe regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
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Appendix
SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.
Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, have a hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's Speech, as being a piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly, on the chastity of what may properly be called NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better, to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the King's Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution.
The Speech if it may be called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.
But this general massacre of mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them not, they know not her, and although they are beings of our own creating, they know not us, and are become the gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked and untutored Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.
Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously called, "The Address of the people of ENGLAND to the inhabitants of AMERICA," hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition, that the people here were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) the real character of the present one: "But," says this writer, "if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of," (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to withhold them from that prince, by whose NOD ALONE they were permitted to do any thing." This is T oryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who can so calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be considered as one, who hath, not only given up the proper dignity of a man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the world like a worm.
However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an universal hatred. It is now the interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and Christians, YE, whose office it is to watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation. But leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the following heads.
First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.
Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE? with some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands.
England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day.
First. Because it will come to that one time or other.
Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish.
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the Continent would have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally extinct.
The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus at the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time.
The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz.
Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.
It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress for the time being, will be the continental trustees.
I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; with some occasional remarks.
He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer generally That INDEPENDANCE being a SINGLE SIMPLE LINE, contained within ourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which, a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve.
Our present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect Independance contending for dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case never existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases.
The Tories dared not have assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his head.
Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissentions. The Continental Belt is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in which, neither Reconciliation nor Independance will be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy spreading specious falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men who want either judgment or honesty.
It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein. Do they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defence of his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event will convince them, that "they are reckoning without their Host."
Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I answer, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretence, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?
No going to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."
Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, as dating its æra from, and published by, the first musket that was fired against her. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.
I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well intended hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that one of those three, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual.
Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.
Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance.
In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.
On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS of MANKIND and of the FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA.
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Epistle to Quakers
To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing a late piece, entitled "The ANCIENT TESTIMONY AND PRINCIPLES of the people called QUAKERS renewed, with Respect to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS now prevailing in these and other parts of AMERICA, addressed to the PEOPLE IN GENERAL."
THE Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonors religion either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To God, and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion. Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with.
As you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and principles, against which, your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen their singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you can have any claim or title to Political Representation.
When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.
The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire for peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well as the religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as men laboring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. Our plan is peace for ever. We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the evils and burdens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will steadily continue to endeavor, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries.
We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor passion; we are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violence committed against us. We view our enemies in the character of Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, where you have before now, applied the halterPerhaps we feel for the ruined and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made it's way into some of your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the Bigot in the place of the Christian.
O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, by proclaiming your doctrine to your enemies, for they likewise bear ARMS. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James's, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are practically ravaging our coasts, and to all the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under HIM whom ye profess to serve.
Had ye the honest soul of Barclay1 ye would preach repentance to your king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and spare none. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and are NOT Quakers.
Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and comprehended in, the act of bearing arms, and that by the people only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.
The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your testimony, that, "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him"; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king's ways (whom ye are so desirous of supporting) do not please the Lord, otherwise, his reign would be in peace.
I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz.
"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and governments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all goodliness and honesty; under the government which God is pleased to set over us." If these are really your principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which ye call God's Work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occasion is there for your political testimony if you fully believe what it contains: And the very publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe.
The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and inoffensive subject of any, and every government which is set over him. And if the setting up and putting down of kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as being his work. OLIVER CROMWELL thanks you. CHARLES, then, died not by the hands of man; and should the present Proud Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments brought about by any other means than such as are common and human; and such as we are now using.
Even the dispersing of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless you can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created and placed this new world, at the greatest distance it could possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth, nevertheless, disapprove of its being independent of the corrupt and abandoned court of Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can ye on the ground of your principles, justify the exciting and stirring up the people "firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all such writings, and measures, as evidence of desire and design to break off the happy connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under him."
What a slap of the face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have quietly and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kings and governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their principles, and putting in for a share of the business. Is it possible, that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow from the doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen; the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could only have been made by those, whose understandings were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a dispairing political party; for ye are not to be considered as the whole body of the Quakers but only as a factional and fractional part thereof.
Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no man to abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I subjoin the following remark; "That the setting up and putting down of kings," most certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yet not so, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray what hath this to do in the present case? We neither mean to set up nor to put down, neither to make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them. Wherefore, your testimony in whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgement, and for many other reasons had better been let alone than published.
First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the utmost danger to society, to make it a party in political disputes.
Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers thereof.
Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony and friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which, is of the utmost consequence to us all.
And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewell. Sincerely wishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which ye have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, may be disavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant of AMERICA.
Note 1 "Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity: thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation. Against which snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy sins." Barclay's Address to Charles II.
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"Summary F"
For
"The Federal Government”
of “Washington, DC”,
And “Their Federal Employee Unions”
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Go To "Excerpt 05" - Epostle To Quakers
Go To “Problem/Solution Description - 03"
Bawa. So, Mr. President, Using “This Brief Journey” Through “The Historic World” of "America”, That Is, Through “The Historic World” of “The United States of America”, That Is, From Excerpts From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, On “The Following
“Topics” As An Example, and that is for sure.
1. “The Doctrine” of “manifest destiny”.
2. “The Organization” of “The Early American Colonies”
(See Subtitle: “Settlements”).
3. “Republicanism” As “A Political Values System”.
4. "The Cause"of "The Revolution"
5. “American exceptionalism”.
6. "Tyranny of the majority".
7. "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common Sense”.
8. "Excerpts" From "Thomas Paine's" Publication of “Common
Sense”, That Is, As An “Audio Recording” And A Copy of
“The Full Document”
8. “Barclay's Address” To King Charles II of England,
And Now
Shaikh Muhaiyaddeen’s (Ral.) Address
To “The Current President”,
And To All of “The Living Past Presidents”
of “The United States of America”,
For In Truth It Is Truly Time
For “A New American Revolution”,
But This Time
A Revolution of “Spirit”.
Bawa. That Is, Mr. President, Using “This Brief Journey” Through Excerpts From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, On “The Above “Topics”, As Just An Example of What We Are Proposing, Which Is A New Kind of “America”, That Is, Which Is A New Kind of "United States of America”, One That Would Provide A “More Balanced Approach” Between “The Forces of Good and Evil”, That Is, One That Would Be More Supportive of “Our Plan” For A New Company Focused On A New Approach To Providing “Affordable Housing” In The "City of Philadelphia", And Perhaps Even In “All of The Cities/States” In The "United States of America”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Which Is A New Kind of “America”, That Is, Which Is A New Kind of "United States of America”, One That Is More Sensitive To “The Current” Out of Balance Condition of “America”, And The Very Real Need To “Step Back”, Take “A Very Deep Breath”, And “Step Forward” With “A New Focus” On The “Two Different Aspects” of “The People” Living In “America”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, With “A New Focus” On The “Two Different Aspects” of “The People” Living In “America”, That Is, On Both “The Worldly” Aspects of People And On The “Non-Worldly” Aspects of People, That Is, And On “The Spiritual” Part of Men/Women, And In This Case The “Non-Worldly”, Or “The Spiritual Part” of Men/Women, Does Not Just Mean “Organized Religion” Because In Truth “God Has No Religion”, Because In Truth “God Transcends” All Religions, That Is, Because In Truth “God Transcends” All “Organized Anything”, And If We Like, In Truth So Do We, and that is for sure.
Bawa. And In This Way, With “A New Focus” On “The True Divinity of Man/Woman”, That Is, As “The Creation of God” That Was Made By God In “The Image of God”, As What Again Needs To Be Seriously Addressed By "America”, That Is, As What Again Needs To Be Seriously Addressed By The "United States of America”, As It Was Addressed At The Time of “The Founding of Pennsylvania” By William Penn And His Contemporaries Over 300 Years Ago, And As It Was Addressed At The Time of The "America Revolution” From The “Tyranny of the majority, For “That Time”, That Is, With The Founding of "United States of America”, In 1776, Made In “The Image of God”, And Now, if you like, With “The Re-Founding” of "United States of America”, Again In 2013, Again Made In “The Image of God”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Addressing Again Issues Like “The Individual Freedom” of Men and Women To Truly Pursue A Significant “Life Journey” All of “Their Life”, While Addressing Both “The Worldly” And The “Non-Worldly” Aspects of “Their Life”, Including “The Spiritual” Part of Men/Women, On “Their Terms”, And On “God’s Terms”, Truly Supported By “The Full Power” And Resources of Both “America” And “The States”, As Well As “The Cities” And “The Communities” of America, Without Undue Pressure, From Any of Them, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Without Undue Pressure, From Any of Them, And Without Down Right Interference In “Our Life”, From Any of Them, Through Various Means (like Mass Advertisement, And “A Pre-Programmed Education & Training & Employment System”, And Now Global Data Gathering) By “The Powerful People And Institutions” of “America” And By “The States”, And “The Cities” And “The Communities” of America, For “The Explicit Purpose” of Getting The People To Become/Serve “What They Want” For “America” For “The States” For “The Cities” And For “The Communities” of America,, That Is, In Order To Meet/Satisfy/Maintain “Their Political and Personal and Business/Economic” Objectives, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, The Very, Very, Very Real Need For For Both “America” And For “The States”, And For “The Individual Cities”, To Start To Truly Address “The Higher Self” of Individuals Living/Working/Educating/Playing/Growing/Retiring In Both “America”, And In “The States”, And In “The Individual Cities”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, To Address More of The “Human/God Part” of “The Individuals” Now Living/Schooling/Working/Playing/Growing/Retiring In “The United States of America”, And For Example, In "The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania”, And For Example, In “The City of Philadelphia”, While We Still Can, That Is, Before “The Current Out of Balance Focus” of “The Country/States/Cities” On Business, On Economic Grown, On Personal Wealth, On Competitive Advantage, On Market Share, And On Raising, Educating, And Training The Individuals To Better, And Better, And Betters Support/Serve “This Current Focus”, Literally “Destroys” The Very People, And Families, And Communities, And Country/States/Cities, It Claims To Serve, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, A New Kind of “The United States of America”, And For Example, A New Kind of "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And For Example, A New Kind of “The City of Philadelphia”, That Is More Sensitive To “The Current” Out of Balance Condition of The “Country/States/Cities”, And The Very Real Need To “Step Back”, Take “A Very Deep Breath”, And “Step Forward” With “A New Focus” On The “Two Different Aspects” of “The People” Living In The “Country/States/Cities””, That Is, On Both “The Worldly” And On The “Non-Worldly” Aspects of People, That Is And On “The Spiritual” Part of Men/Women, and that is for sure.
Bawa. For Example, A New Kind of “The United States of America”, And For Example, A New Kind of "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And For Example, A New Kind of “The City of Philadelphia”, That Continues To Focus On “Affordable Housing”, But Not Just On “Affordable Housing” As Something That “The Country/States/Cities Provide” For Its Individual Citizens/Families Out of “The Kindness” of “Its Collective Heart”, That Is, Mainly For Its Low-Income/Poor/Elderly/Homeless/Disabled/Minority Citizens/Families, But Rather As “The True Vehicle” For Housing “The Individual Citizen” In Such A Way That Truly Provides “The Citizen” With Everything Necessary For The Citizen To Become “Truly Independent” of “His Society”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, A New Kind of “The United States of America”, And For Example, A New Kind of "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And For Example, A New Kind of “The City of Philadelphia”, That Continues To Focus On “Affordable Housing”, But Not As Just Another Form of “Social Hand Out”, But Rather, As Part of Becoming “A Newly Awakened Society” That Completely Embraces “A New Balanced Focus” On “All Aspects” of “The Successful Citizen”, As In Truth “The Only True Way Out” of “The Current Decline and Death” of America, That Is, As It Was Originally Envisioned and Founded By “The Christians”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Mr. President, As Part of Becoming “A Newly Awakened Society” That Completely Embraces “A New Balanced Focus” On “All Aspects” of “The Successful Citizen”, For Example, As Part of Becoming “A Newly Awakened Society” That Truly Embraces and Uses All of “These New Concept” of “Affordable Housing”, As In Truth “The True Vehicle” For Housing “The Individual Citizen” In Such A Way That Truly Provides “The Citizen” With Everything Necessary For The Citizen To Become “Truly Independent” of “His Society”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Where The Citizen Can Now Successfully Utilize All of “The Places and Things” of “His Society” For “His Full Life’s Journey” of Personal Awakening, Without Being Literally Consumed By “These Same Places and Things” of “His Society”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Mr. President, A New Kind of “The United States of America”, And For Example, A New Kind of "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And For Example, A New Kind of “The City of Philadelphia”, Now As Part of “Our Proposed People/Community Focused Project”, That is, As A True Planning/Working Partner With “The Kind of Umbrella Enterprise/Company” That We Are Proposing, One That Literally Stands Between
“The Individual Citizen” Living/Working/Growing-Up/Retiring In America, And In And Around, “The States/Cities” In America, And “Those Same Things”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, One That Literally Stands Between “The Individual Citizen” Living/Working/Growing-Up/Retiring In All of “The Federal/State/City” Government/Financial/Business/Education Institutions In America, And “Those Same Things”, That Is, One That Literally Puts “The Individual” Again, And Probably For “The First Time”, Literally “In Charge” of “The Choices” In “His Life’s Journey”, Not “At The Mercy” of “The Powerful People/Institutions” of His Society, As They Say, and that is for sure.
Bawa. And To Do “This”, My President, Coupled With “The People/Community” Initiatives Presented In “The Earlier Parts” of “This Love Letter” To You, That Is, As Reviewed In "Summary A", And In "Summary B", And In "Summary C" And In "Summary D" And In "Summary E", And In "Problem Description - 01”, And In "Problem/Solution Description" - 02”
Earlier, and that is for sure.
Bawa. And Now Reviewed In “Summary F” And In "Problem/Solution Description" - 03”, Including A New Kind of “Masters/Certification Program”, One For “Affordable Housing”, And A New Kind of “Career Path”, One For “Affordable Housing”, And A New Kind of "On-line Computer Based Learning System", One Called “Affordable Housing”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That is, And Also Coupled With A New Kind of “Career Path” For The People Entering “College/Graduate School”, And For Those Already Working In “The Professions”, And For Those Now Retiring/Retired From “The Professions”, One Called “Affordable Housing”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, And Also Coupled With A New Kind of “Knowledge Map” Or “Career Cluster” That Includes A New Kind of "Enterprise Level Umbrella
Architecture" For “Professionals”, And For “Everything” Necessary To Successfully Support “The Design/Development/Implementation/Maintenance” of This New Kind of “Knowledge Map”, One Called “Affordable Housing”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, And Also Coupled With A New Kind of “Career Cluster”, That Includes A New Kind of "Enterprise Level Umbrella Architecture" For “Professionals”, One Called “Affordable Housing”, That Truly Embraces “Everything” Necessary To Make “Affordable Housing” A Successful Reality In Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, For The Benefit of All of “The Current Resources” Available For This New Kind of “Industrial/Community Based Enterprise/Project”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. For Example, By Using “The Existing Resources” (Part C), And By Using “The Existing Technology” of Our Day (D-1), And By Solving “The Smokestack Problem” of Our Day (D-2), As Briefly Summarized For You In “Love Letter 35”, and that is for sure.
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“Problem/Solution Description - 03”
Go To "Summary F"
Bawa. For In Truth, Mr. President, The Current Initiatives By “The United States of America”, And For Example, The Current Initiatives By "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And By “The City of Philadelphia”, As Well As By All of “Their Current Government/Business/Financial” Models/Systems Now Being Emphasized In America, Have “A Serious Flaw”, That Is, They Focus On “The Wrong Thing” In Order To Provide A Truly Vibrant Growing/Sustainable Community/Neighborhood
/City/State/Country, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, They Focus On “The Value of Places & Things”, Rather Than On “The True Value of People”, That Is, Rather Than On “The True Value of People” That Can Truly Provide “A True Balance” To All of “These Places & Things” of Our Current Age, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Rather Than On “The Inherent True Value” of “The Individual Man/Woman” Now Living In “The World” Surrounded By All of “These Places & Things”, That Is, Rather Than On “The Inherent True Value” of “The Individual Man/Woman” Which In Truth Is “The Value of God” Inherent Within Each of Us, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Which In Truth Is “The Value of God” Inherent Within Each of Us, From Whom “We Were Created”, In “His Image”, For “His Purpose”, Which Is To Bring All of “These Places & Things” of God Back Into Balance With God, That Is, To Bring All of Them Back Into Balance With Heaven and With Eternity, As Bawa Teaches Us, And To Get Them To Again Willingly And Freely “Worship, Serve, and Pray” To God, and To God Alone, As “Their God”, Not “The Other Way Around”, Which In Truth Is Now “The Current State” of Affairs In America, That is, Which In Truth Is Now “The Current State” of Affairs In “The United States of America”, and Now In “The Whole World” and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, The Country/State’s/City’s Focus Is On:
Improving “The Country”
Improving “The States”
Improving “The Cities”
Improving Neighborhoods/Communities,
Improving Finances.
Improving Businesses.
Improving “The Environment”
Improving “Homelessness”
Improving “Youth Violence”
Improving “The Country/State/City Services”
Improving “Entertainment”
Improving “The Country/State/City Infrastructure”
Improving “The Country/State/City Education” System
Improving “Etc.”
Bawa. But The Country/State’s/City’s Focus Is Not On Directly “Improving” The Individual For “The Individual’s Sake”:
Bawa. That Is, The Country/State’s/City’s Focus Is Not On Directly “Improving” The Individual For “The Individual’s Sake”, That Is, Is Not Focused On Directly “Improving” The Individual, That Is, Is Not Focused On Directly Making “The Individual” More, And More, And More “Intrinsically Valuable”, Like “A Diamond” To Be Displayed On “The Crown of God”, That Is, Like “A True Human Being” Living In “The World” As “The Presence & Qualities” of God, And As “The Word” of God “Made Flesh” In “The World”, Now For Our Age, Now For All Life, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Like Moses (A.S.) And Jesus (A.S.) And The Prophet Muhammad (Sal.), And All of “The Prophets of God”, Demonstrated To Us In Earlier Times, And Now In Recent Times, As “The Truly Wise/Awakened People” of “The World”, Like Bawa Muhaiyaddeen (Ral.). Demonstrated To Us Again In Our Age, if you like, and that is for sure.
Bawa. But Rather, The Country/State’s/City’s Focus Is Just On Making “The Individual” More “Extrinsically Valuable” To “The Country/State/City/Community” And To “The Country/State’s/City’s” Government/Financial/Business Institutions, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Like “A Hunk of Coal” Is “Extrinsically Valuable” To The Country/State/City/Community”, Only To Be Consumed In “The Furnaces” of “The Country/State/City/Community”, In Order To Move Forward “The Fortunes” of “The Country/State/City/Community”, Only In “The End” To Go Up As “Smoke”, Having Lost “All Value” To All, Including To God, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, But Rather The Country/State’s/City’s Focus Is Not On Directly Moving “The Individual” Forward In “Their True Life Journey” of Drawing Closer, And Closer, And Closer, To “Their Creator”, As They Say, Within “The Context” of ‘The Places and Things” Now For Our Age, That Is, Within “The Context” of “The United States of America”, And For Example, Within “The Context” of "Commonwealth of Pennsylvania", And For Example, Within “The Context” of “The City of Philadelphia”, And For Example, Within “The Context” of “The Country/State’s/City’s” Governmental/Financial/Business Institutions, And Now, if you like, Within “The Context” of Our New “Industrial/Community Based Enterprise/Project” of Providing “Affordable Housing” In “The City of Philadelphia”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. And So, Mr. President, “This” Is The Niche That We Are Proposing That We Start To Fill In “The Landscape” of Both “The United States of America”, And of "The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania”, and of “The City of Philadelphia”, That Is, As “An Umbrella Enterprise/Company” That Stands Between “The Individual” And All of “The Country/State’s/City’s” Government/Financial/Business/Education Institutions, That Literally Puts “The Individual” Again “In Charge” of “The Choices” In “His Life’s Journey”, Not “At The Mercy” of “The Powerful People/Institutions” of His Society, As They Say, All of Which In Truth Are Now “Completely Out of Balance”, and that is for sure.
Bawa. That Is, Not “At The Mercy” of “The Powerful People/Institutions” of His Society, As They Say, All of Which In Truth Are Now “Completely Out of Balance” And As Such Will Only Lead To “Our Destruction”, If We Are Not Now “Very, Very, Very Careful”, And Truly Start To Take “These Appropriate Steps” Toward God Within Us All, and that is for sure.
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B. Build "An On-line Systems Model"
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
--- In Process ---
Go To Page 02
Go To Page 01
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Bawa. My Love You - Shaikh Muhammad Rahim Bawa Muhaiyaddeen (may God be pleased within Him and with Us). Amen.
"The End"
Of "Love Letter 36"
Go To "Top of Page"
Go To "The Outline"
Love Letter 036 - To My Dearest Loving Older Brother, of "The One True
Heart" of God, President Jimmy Carter.
